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Novartis v Cobalt / zoledronate (NOC) 2014 FCA 17 Sharlow JA: Webb, Near JJA aff’g 2013 FC 985 Hughes J 2,410,201 – ACLA...
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As many authors have already observed, intellectual property increasingly permeates ordinary people’s daily lives. And yet, this area of law, reputed for its complexity and its constant evolution prompted by frequent legislative activities and case law developments, is to a great extent portrayed as the exclusive province of specialists. Nevertheless, patent law, like other legislative activity, must not be reserved to the experts: to the contrary it should be made accessible to the ordinary jurist and, whenever possible, to the general public. Accordingly, this article, which will appear in two parts, seeks to provide a concise text, aimed at those interested in a succinct overview of the present state of Canadian patent law. In this first part, we present the normative sources of the relevant Canadian legal regime and proceed to succinctly explain what can be patented and the conditions of patentability. The second part, to be published in an upcoming issue of the Review, will deal with the scope and limits of exclusive rights, the procedure to obtain patent protection and the duration of the legal protection.
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In this paper, I defend a deflationary account of proportionality, which suggests that proportionality does not explain anything valuable about a system of punishment. Proportionality, rather, is a conventional means for presenting judgments about whether punishment fits the crime. A system of punishment is proportionate to the degree that it coheres with widely shared norms about punishment. There are many reasons such coherence could be valuable, not all of which are retributive. Hence, while on a deflationary view it may be important for a system of punishment to be proportionate, proportionality does not identify a uniquely important retributive value. I motivate the argument for a deflationary account of proportionality by canvassing some of the problems associated with both relative (“ordinal”) and absolute (“cardinal”) proportionality and examining how both legal theorists and courts have actually used the concept. I focus on the work of Doug Husak, and the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court of Canada.
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Sexual exploitation and human sex trafficking is a multi-billion-dollar international industry that preys on youth. Written by veteran police officer Robert Chrismas, Sex Industry Slavery is an impactful read for anyone who wants to know more about this serious Canadian problem. Many young women are coerced into oppressive relationships in the sex industry, often starting in childhood. There are numerous barriers and challenges for children who are vulnerable to exploitation as well as for survivors striving to leave the sex industry; however, there are also many opportunities to help them. Based on Chrismas’s award-winning research in Manitoba, this book includes gut-wrenching stories from survivors, social workers, police officers, lawmakers, and activists. Representing decades of collective knowledge, Sex Industry Slavery presents first-hand perspectives on the problem as well as proposes practical solutions.
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Federal elections between 2008 and 2019 saw a great of volatility in Quebec, with important consequences for election outcomes. The surge in New Democratic Party (NDP) support in Quebec led the party to official opposition, while Liberal gains in 2011 led the party to a majority government, and Bloc Québécois gains in 2019 helped to reduce the Liberals to a minority. To what extent was this volatility driven by voters switching parties and to what degree was it driven by voters entering and exiting the electorate? This article uses ecological inference based on riding-level data to examine the dynamics of party competition in Quebec from 2008 to 2019. We show that while voter mobilization mattered to volatility, vote switching was the important driver of changing party fortunes during this period., RésuméLes élections fédérales entre 2008 et 2019 ont connu une grande volatilité au Québec, avec des conséquences importantes sur les résultats électoraux. La poussée du soutien du NPD au Québec a conduit le parti à l'opposition officielle, tandis que les gains des libéraux en 2011 ont conduit le parti à un gouvernement majoritaire et que les gains du Bloc Québécois en 2019 ont contribué à réduire les libéraux à une minorité. Dans quelle mesure cette volatilité est-elle due au fait que les électeurs changent de parti et dans quelle mesure est-elle due au fait que les électeurs entrent et sortent de l'électorat ? Cet article utilise l'inférence écologique basée sur des données au niveau des circonscriptions pour examiner la dynamique de la concurrence entre les partis au Québec de 2008 à 2019. Nous montrons que, bien que la mobilisation des électeurs ait joué un rôle dans la volatilité, le changement de parti a été le principal moteur de l'évolution de la situation des partis au cours de cette période.
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